[Editor's note: MMT is back in the news,
championed by Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and former Bernie
Sanders advisor Stephanie Kelton. Economists like Brad DeLong and Paul
Krugman are giving MMT at least faint praise, and even National
Review has favorable things to say. Ironically,
MMT is neither modern nor truly "monetary;" instead it is a
combination of tired fiscal and monetary policies. Our Senior Fellow Robert
Murphy first wrote this article debunking MMT in 2011, but every word applies
today.]
Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) is a hip economic/financial paradigm apparently
sweeping a world unsatisfied with mainstream economics. Over the past year, I
have been hearing a growing number of people refer to MMT: either fans who
think it blows up my Austrian views, or foes who think it deserves a
full-scale critique.
MMT's underground popularity derives from its seeming mathematical rigor,
its disagreement with the obviously flawed doctrines of standard
neo-Keynesian orthodoxy, and its underlying message of hope that the
perceived constraints on government deficit spending are an illusion. The MMT
proponents tell us that fiat monetary systems have removed the shackles
associated with the gold standard, and that our economic recovery is limited
only by our failure to understand how modern money and banking work.
After my admittedly brief exploration, I have concluded that the MMT
worldview doesn't live up to its promises. However, as an Austrian economist
I know how annoying it is when "big guns" in the economics
profession reject my own position as nonsense without even taking the time to
spell out what is supposedly wrong with the Misesian approach. Therefore, in
the present post I'll try to fairly summarize a major plank in MMT thought
and show why it is misleading at best, and downright false at worst.
Background on MMT
One thing I should make clear upfront is that MMT is not the same
thing as neo-Keynesian economics, as expounded by the likes of Paul Krugman.
In fact, Krugman has actively
criticized the MMTers himself (to which they responded here
and here,
to list just two instances).
MMT is
linked to the older doctrine of "chartalism," for
readers who are more familiar with the latter term. The fascinating aspect of
MMT is that it turns standard views on their head. For example, MMTers hold
that the sovereign issuer of fiat currency can never become insolvent. For
the MMTers, the point of taxation isn't to raise revenue for the government,
but rather to regulate aggregate demand.
It would be foolish for me to try to summarize the MMT position, as I am
sure I would offend its proponents by my imprecision. As Morpheus said of the
Matrix, I cannot tell you of the worldview of the MMTers; you must see it for
yourself. Warren Mosler's website
is reputed to be the best one-stop shop, and the comments at my open-ended
blog post are filled with suggested readings from actual MMTers.
The Counterintuitive MMT Position on Government Deficits
To illustrate my problems with MMT, let's focus on a specific issue: the
debate over the government budget deficit. With Austrians and other
libertarian types calling for immediate cuts in spending, while Keynesians
call for future spending restraint and tax hikes to slow the increase
in debt down the road, the MMTers come along and say both sides are ignorant.
According to many proponents of MMT, "deficits don't matter"
when a sovereign government can issue its own fiat currency, and all the hand
wringing over the government's solvency is absurd. In fact, the MMTers
claim that given the reality of a US trade deficit, a sharp drop in the
government's budget deficit would hamper the private sector's ability to
save. Thus, the Austrians are unwittingly calling for a collapse in private
saving when they foolishly demand government austerity.
I have scoured the websites of a few prominent MMTers and here is the best explanation
of this reasoning that I could find. The quotation below is somewhat lengthy
and contains equations, but reproducing it is the only way to be sure I am
not misrepresenting the MMT position:
The national accounts concept underpins the basic income-expenditure model
that is at the heart of introductory macroeconomics. We can view this model
in two ways: (a) from the perspective of the sources of spending; and
(b) from the perspective of the uses of the income produced. Bringing
these two perspectives (of the same thing) together generates the sectoral
balances.
So from the sources perspective we write:
GDP = C + I + G + (X — M)
which says that total national income (GDP) is the sum of total final
consumption spending (C), total private investment (I), total government
spending (G) and net exports (X — M) [i.e., exports minus imports].
From the uses perspective, national income (GDP) can be used for:
GDP = C + S + T
which says that GDP (income) ultimately comes back to households who
consume (C), save (S) or pay taxes (T) with it once all the distributions are
made.
So if we equate these two perspectives of GDP, we get:
C + S + T = C + I + G + (X — M)
This can be simplified by cancelling out the C from both sides and
re-arranging (shifting things around but still satisfying the rules of
algebra) into what we call the sectoral balances view of the national
accounts.
(I — S) + (G — T) + (X — M) = 0
That is the three balances have to sum to zero. The sectoral balances
derived are:
·
The private domestic balance (I — S) …
·
The Budget Deficit (G — T) …
·
The Current Account balance (X — M) …
A simplification is to add (I — S) + (X — M) and call it the
non-government sector. Then you get the basic result that the government
balance equals exactly $-for-$ … the non-government balance (the sum of the
private domestic and external balances). This is also a basic rule derived
from the national accounts and has to apply at all times.
For the purposes of our discussion, let's simplify things by taking out
the international-trade aspect. (We can justify this by looking at the world
as a whole, which obviously can't run a trade deficit or trade surplus, and then analyzing the effects of changes in
the total budget deficits of all the various governments.)
So if we take out exports and imports, and rearrange the remaining terms,
we derive this equation:
G − T = S − I
That is, the amount of government spending minus total tax revenue, is
necessarily equal to private saving minus private investment. The MMTers
might succinctly express this relationship in words:
Government
Budget Deficit = Net Private Saving.
This equation underpins the MMTers'
disdain for the tea party's call for fiscal austerity. We derived the
above equation through accounting tautologies, not by relying on any
particular economic theory, so it should be impregnable. And gosh it sure
looks like if the government were to reduce its budget deficit, then the
private sector's saving would necessarily go down. Yikes! Have the Austrians
been unwittingly advocating massive capital destruction without realizing it?
Of Course You Don't Need the Government in Order to Save
When I first encountered such a claim — that the government budget deficit
was necessary to allow for even the mathematical possibility of net
private-sector saving — I knew something was fishy. For example, in my introductory
textbook I devote Chapter
4 to "Robinson Crusoe" economics.
To explain the importance of saving and investment in a barter economy, I
walk through a simple numerical example where Crusoe can gather ten coconuts
per day with his bare hands. This is his "real income." But to get
ahead in life, Crusoe needs to save — to live below his means. Thus, for 25
days in a row, Crusoe gathers his ten coconuts per day as usual, but only
eats eight of them. This allows him to accumulate a stockpile of 50 coconuts,
which can serve as a ten-day buffer (on half-rations) should Crusoe become
sick or injured.
Crusoe can do even better. He takes two days off from climbing trees and
gathering coconuts (with his bare hands), in order to collect sticks and
vines. Then he uses these natural resources to create a long pole that will
greatly augment his labor in the future in terms of coconuts gathered per
hour. This investment in the capital good was only possible because of
Crusoe's prior saving; he wouldn't have been able to last two days without
eating had he not been able to draw down on his stockpile of 50 coconuts.
This is an admittedly simple story, but it gets across the basic concepts
of income, consumption, saving, investment, and economic growth. Now in this
tale, I never had to posit a government running a budget deficit to make the
story "work." Crusoe is able to truly live below his means — to
consume less than his income — and thereby channel resources into the
production of more capital goods. This augments his future productivity,
leading to a higher income (and hence consumption) in the future. There is no
trick here, and Crusoe's saving is indeed "net" in the sense that
it is not counterbalanced by a consumption loan taken out by his neighbor Friday.
So how in the world are we to interpret the MMTers' proclamation that
"net private saving" necessarily equals the government's budget
deficit (if we ignore international trade)?
When I raised this question on my blog, Nick Rowe — who is a very sharp
economist — defended
the MMT statement in this way:
Robert [Murphy]: "In particular, I think it is crazy when people say
that if the federal government runs a budget surplus, then by simple
accounting the private sector can't save."
[Nick Rowe:] That's perfectly correct, and standard, once you do the
translation. Assume [an economy closed to international trade]. Define
"private saving" as "private saving minus Investment" …
which is how MMTers normally use the word "saving", or sometimes
"net saving". Then it's just standard National Income Accounting.
Y=C+I+G, and S=Y-T-C, therefore S-I=G-T.
And there you have it: When MMTers speak of "net saving," they don't
mean that people collectively save more than people collectively borrow. No,
they mean people collectively save more than people collectively invest.
I'm not trying to make fun of Nick Rowe; he is a professional
economist who has written some very
nuanced posts relating MMT to more orthodox mainstream economics. But
look at what he was forced to type: "Define 'private saving' as 'private
saving minus investment.'" As I noted in my response to Rowe, if we
define "private saving" as "private saving," then my
critique of MMT stands. (That's supposed to be funny, by the way — at least
insofar as economics can be funny.)
Now Nick Rowe and the MMTers are certainly correct when they observe that
"private saving net of private investment" can't grow without a
government budget deficit (again if we disregard foreign trade). But so what?
The whole benefit of private saving is that it allows for more private
investment.
This is the fundamental problem with relying on macro-accounting
tautologies; people often bring in causal arguments from economic
theories without realizing they are doing so. Let's look again at the
equation causing so much confusion:
G − T = S
− I
As a free-market economist, I don't need to run from this tautology. I can
use it to underscore the familiar "crowding out" critique of
government deficit spending. Specifically, if government spending (G)
goes up while tax revenue (T) remains the same, then the left-hand
side of the equation gets bigger as the government budget deficit grows. So
the accounting tells us that the right-hand side must get bigger too. It may
happen partially because people cut down on consumption and save more (due to
higher interest rates and their expectation of higher tax burdens in the
future), but it may also happen because private-sector investment goes down.
In other words, as the government borrows and spends more, the equation tells
us we might see lower private consumption, rising interest rates, and real
resources being siphoned out of private investment into pork-barrel spending
projects. I can tell my "story" of the dangers of government
deficit spending with that equation just fine.
Of course, the Keynesians and MMTers would have a different spin on the
result of higher government spending in our current economic environment, but
that's not really the issue here. My point is that the national-income
accounting tautologies aren't a good critique
of the tea party after all. Those equations are just as consistent with
economic theories claiming that government spending cuts will lead to faster economic
growth. The fans of MMT should therefore stop pointing to those
identities as if they prove the futility of government austerity during an
economic downturn. Those tautologies, and the cherished equations of the
three sectors, are consistent with post-Keynesian and tea party
economics.
As a final way to illustrate the non sequitur of the equations involving
government budget deficits, note that we could do the same thing with, say,
Google. Go back through all the equations above, and redefine G to mean
"total spending by Google." Then C would be "total consumption
spending by the-world-except-Google," and so on.
After doing this, we would be able to prove — with mathematical certainty
— that unless Google were willing to go deeper into debt next year, the
world-except-Google would be unable to accumulate net financial assets, in
the way MMTers define that term. The proper response to this (perfectly
valid) observation is, Who cares?
Not All Spending and Income Are Created Equal
Thus far I have accepted the MMT premises on their own terms, and shown
that MMT's proponents often read more into their neutral accounting
relationships than is justified by the relationships per se. However, in this
final section I want to point out something even subtler.
One way to describe MMT is that is a "nominal" model of the
economy, looking at flows of money without inquiring too deeply about the economic
significance behind the flows. This article is already lengthy, so let me
illustrate the problem with an analogy.
Suppose Tabitha has an income of $100,000, out of which she consumes
$90,000. Tabitha takes her savings of $10,000 and lends it at 5 percent
interest to Sam, who signs over an IOU promising to pay Tabitha $10,500 in 12
months.
Now let's stop and ask, did Tabitha save money in this scenario? Yes, of
course she did. Another question: did Tabitha accumulate net financial
assets? Yes, of course she did: she is holding a legally binding IOU from
Sam, which possesses a current market value of $10,000 and will grow in value
over time as the payoff date approaches. (Changes in Sam's solvency and
interest rates of course might inflict capital gains or losses along the
way.)
Now let's tweak the scenario. Suppose I tell you that Sam plans to raise
the money needed to repay his loan by selling services to Tabitha. For
example, suppose Sam used the $10,000 loan to buy equipment that he will then
use to perform landscaping work on Tabitha's property over the course of a
year. Every month Tabitha pays Sam a fee for his services, and after the 12th
month Sam takes these fees, which are equal to $10,500, and hands them back
to Tabitha.
In this revised scenario, is it still true that Tabitha acquired a net
financial asset when she bought the $10,000 IOU from Sam in the beginning?
Yes, of course it is. Tabitha voluntarily purchases the landscaping services
from Sam; the flow of money back and forth is a bookkeeping convenience.
Economically, what happened is that Tabitha exchanged a stock of present
goods up front for a stream of services over the course of the year.
Now let's tweak the scenario one last time: Suppose that Tabitha lends
$10,000 to Sam, who gives her an IOU promising $10,500 in 12 months. After
the year passes, Sam walks up to Tabitha and sticks a gun in her belly,
demanding $10,500 in cash. She hands it over to him, and then he gives it
right back and tears up his IOU.
In this scenario, did Tabitha acquire a net financial asset when
she originally lent the money to Sam? No, not really — especially if she knew
how he planned on "repaying" her. In this case, Tabitha's savings
of $10,000 would have simply been confiscated by Sam. He can go through the
farce of giving her an IOU and then robbing her in the future to
"redeem" it, but economically that is equivalent to him simply
robbing her of the $10,000 upfront. From Tabitha's viewpoint, her $10,000 in
savings vanished, while Sam's consumption can rise by $10,000 without
increasing his own indebtedness.
Now let's expand the groups. Instead of the individual Tabitha, consider
the group of all Taxpayers. And instead of the individual thief Sam, consider
the institution Uncle Sam. The MMTers correctly tell us that the Taxpayers
can't accumulate "net financial assets" — i.e., drawing on income
streams that originate outside the group — unless Uncle Sam runs deficits and
issues them bonds.
But what is the point of accumulating bonds that will only be redeemed
when Uncle Sam coercively raises the necessary funds from the same group of
Taxpayers in the future? Any individual taxpayer can justifiably look
at a Treasury bond as a net asset, because his or her own tax contributions
will not vary significantly based on his or her investment decisions
regarding Treasuries. But the private sector as a whole surely
shouldn't naively assume that if the government runs a $1.6 trillion deficit
this year, this foretells of a shower of new income flowing "into the
private sector" down the road.
I hope I've convinced the reader that something is very fishy with the MMT
conclusions regarding private saving and government budget deficits. The
error crept in at step one, with the equation GDP = C + I + G + (X − M).
The only justification for measuring "output" (left-hand side) by
the summation of spending (on the right-hand side) is that in a market
exchange, the "value" of something is whatever the buyer spends on
it.
However, if the government can raise revenues through present taxation or
by borrowing now and paying back with future taxes, then this justification
falls away. It's simply not true that $1,000 in private consumption or
investment spending is an equivalent amount of "real output" to
$1,000 spent by bureaucrats who raised the money without the consent of their
"customers" and who may very operate under a "use it or lose
it" appropriations process.
Conclusion
The MMT worldview is intriguing, if only because it is so different from
even the way conventional Keynesians think about fiscal and monetary policy.
Unfortunately, it seems to me to be dead wrong. The MMTers concentrate on
accounting tautologies that do not mean what they think.