I will say then that I am not, nor ever have been in favor of bringing
about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races,
that I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of
negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white
people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical
difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever
forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political
equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together
there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any
other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white
race.
~ Abraham Lincoln, Debate with Stephen Douglas, Sept. 18, 1858, in Abraham
Lincoln: Speeches and Writings, 1832-1858 (New York: Library of
America, 1989), pp. 636-637.
These are the words of the real Lincoln, who was as much a white
supremacist as any man of his time. In fact, he was a much more
extreme white supremacist than most, for he advocated
"colonization" or the deportation of black people from America for
his entire adult life. As soon as he entered politics in the early 1830s he
became a "manager" of the Illinois Colonization Society which
sought to use state tax funds to deport the small number of free blacks
living in Illinois out of the state (the state amended its constitution in
1848 to prohibit the immigration of black people into the state, an amendment
that Lincoln supported).
Lincoln followed in the footsteps of his idol, Henry Clay, who was the
president of the American Colonization Society, and quoted Clay often on the
subject. During his presidency he established a colonization office in the
Department of Interior and funded it with $600,000, while working diligently
to plan on deporting black people to Liberia, Haiti, Jamaica, Central
America, the West Indies anywhere but the U.S.
These historical facts have long presented a problem for the purveyors of
the comic book/fairy tale history of Lincoln that has been taught to
Americans for generations. For they suggest that, rather than being a racial
saint, as the comic book/fairy tale version of history contends, the exact
opposite is true. The Lincoln cult has mostly covered up these truths by
seeing to it that they rarely, if ever, make it into the public school
textbooks. But just in case the truth does seep out, the Cult has concocted
several excuses, "justifications," and rationales for Lincolns
extreme racist language and actions.
One excuse that is associated with Princeton University historian James
McPherson is that "Honest Abe" was lying when he spoke of
colonization in connection with emancipation (as he always did) so as to
soften Northern opposition to emancipation. This is called the "lullaby
theory" among Lincoln cultists. Lincoln himself never said any such
thing; McPherson simply fabricated the story out of thin air.
A second excuse is an equally unfounded theory that is not based on
anything Lincoln himself ever said. It is a speculation that, sometime in
1863, Lincoln experienced some kind of divine transformation and was no
longer the extreme racist and white supremacist that his speeches had
established him as being for his entire adult life. Lincoln cultists naively
contend that because Lincoln quit making speeches about colonization, he must
have abandoned the idea.
Of course, politicians always do their best to keep the public in the dark
with regard to their political machinations; they do not make public speeches
announcing every bit of their strategies and conniving. It is not unusual for
a politician to keep his plans to himself, and this is true of Lincoln as
much as any politician. The divine transformation theory is based on an
extraordinarily naïve view of the political world.
Both of these theories have been demolishd in a monumental new book
entitled Colonization
after Emancipation: Lincoln and the Movement for Black Resettlement,
by Phillip W. Magness of American University and Sebastian N. Page of Oxford
University. Based on newly-rediscovered documents in the American and British
National Archives, including letters signed by Lincoln himself, these
researchers have established that Lincoln continued to pursue colonization
right up to the days before his assassination, when he discussed plans with
General Benjamin Butler to deport the freed slaves. There was no divine
transformation; and McPhersons "lullaby" is in reality a fake
alibi.
Magness and Page meticulously document how, during the last two years of
Lincolns presidency, work on various colonization plans "progressed . .
. often aided by the presidents direct encouragement and approval" (p.
10). Lengthy discussions took place with the British and Dutch governments,
which were negotiating on behalf of business interests in their own countries
that were experiencing labor shortages in such places as British Honduras,
Guiana, and elsewhere.
After the Emancipation Proclamation (which only "freed"
slaves where the government could not do so in "rebel territory")
was issued, Lincoln was hard at work on his various colonization projects.
Magness and Page cite British Foreign Minister Lord Lyons as saying in a
dispatch to London that "The President of the United States sent for me
yesterday, and upon my presenting myself, told me that he had been for some
time anxious to speak to me in an informal and unofficial manner on the
subject of promoting the emigration of colored people from this country to
British colonies" (p. 26).
Shortly thereafter, Lincoln met with one Thomas Malcom of the Pennsylvania
Colonization Society to discuss deporting Pennsylvania blacks to Liberia; and
sent an emissary to visit the "contraband camps" (where captured
Southern slaves were kept) to find "recruits" for colonization to
Honduras.
The most pro-colonization member of Lincolns cabinet, Postmaster General
Montgomery Blair, publicly announced that the "destined glory" of
any freed slaves "is to be consummated in the American tropics" (p.
35). Interestingly, the first black man to ever hold an administrative
position in the U.S. government was J. Willis Menard, who favored black
colonization. He was employed as a clerk in the colonization office.
Magness and Page document that colonization remained the official policy
of the Lincoln administration throughout 1864 and early 1865, with several
plans being foiled by bureaucratic bungling, corruption, and political
bickering. Lincoln is said to have completely lost his temper over such
failures.
Late in his life General
Benjamin Butler recalled a "colonization interview" that he had
with Lincoln two days before the assassination. "What shall we do with
the negroes after they are free?", Lincoln is said to have asked the
general. According to Butler, Lincoln then said, "I can hardly believe
that the South and North can live in peace, unless we can get rid of the
negroes" (p. 109). Butler then proposed deporting the freed slaves to
Panama to dig a canal, decades before the actual Panama Canal was dug.
"There is meat in that, General Butler, there is meat in that,"
Lincoln reportedly said.
Early Lincoln scholars accepted that this meeting occurred, but then
Lincoln cultist/excuse fabricator Mark E. Neely claimed that the meeting
could not have happened because Butler was not in Washington on the day he
said the meeting took place. Magness and Page disprove Neelys conjecture and
conclude that "the meeting itself indisputedly happened."
Colonization after Emancipation proves unequivocally that
"colonization remained on the table well beyond the Emancipation Proclamation,"
contrary to the "accepted wisdom" of James McPherson and other
Lincoln cultists. Magness and Page conclude that "The prospect that the Great
Emancipator subscribed to colonizationist beliefs, particularly at the end
of his life, seems to completely dispel his popular reputation as a racial
egalitarian." Yes, it does.
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