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It's
not dark yet, but it's getting there...
-Bob Dylan
Last week I gave you the good
news, that after we make our way through the current political and economic
mess that we find ourselves in, we will emerge
into a new golden age. This week, the
bad news: Before we get there, we will likely have to first undergo at least
a depression, and certainly a revolution before we arrive. The brighter world
will not come of its own accord; it will wait patiently until we collectively
decide to create it. Until then, Batra predicts
that "real wages and family income will continue to fall, while poverty
will rise. The rich will keep getting richer and the poor getting poorer;
similarly, the middle class will continue to shrink." For many, the
motivation for real, fundamental change will only come from the depths of
depression.
Before continuing with Dr. Batra's theory, let's take a look at two recent news
articles that set the stage and concretely depict the points he makes:
The first, from today's New York Times, informs us that the nation's income gap widened significantly in 2005
to levels unseen since 1928 - the year
before the start of the great depression. According to the story, the top
300,000 Americans collectively own as much wealth as the bottom 150
million. While the top 1% of the population got an average
raise of $139,000 in 2005, the bottom 90% of workers saw their incomes fall
by $172. These are times that try men's souls.
Since these are abstracted
numbers, it can be difficult to fully appreciate their meaning. But this
second article should make things perfectly clear: Circuit City is firing 3,400 of its hourly sales floor workers, and
will rehire either them or new workers at a lower hourly rate. Just so you understand the context, this is a company that is
headed by a CEO -- Phillip Schoonover -- who raked in $8.5 million dollars
last year. The company itself made a profit of $162 million, though it lost
money in the most recent quarter. Apparently this is how Schoonover can
justify his brilliant fire/rehire-cheaper scheme. According to the article,
the average sales worker now makes $10-11 per hour, or about $21,000 per
year, while a new worker would only make about $8.00, or $16,000 per year. That
is below the poverty level for a family of four, or even three, so forget
about trying to raise a family on that kind of a salary. Schoonover, on the
other hand, makes about 530 times the average grunt worker's pay, and in
today's climate, he'll likely get a bonus for his great idea.
But as Batra
points out in this and other books, these are precisely the kinds of
conditions -- extreme wealth concentration and inequality -- that lead to
depressions, for they weaken the overall capitalist system. With such minimal
incomes, the only way for workers such as those at the new and improved Circuit City to continue to consume (the great
"engine of global economic growth") is by taking on increased
levels of consumer debt. But there are limits to how much debt such poorly
paid workers can take on.
To make sense of these stories in
a larger context, let's take a look at the global economy through Dr. Batra's eyes. Batra asserts
that the entire world economy has been colonized by the American Global
Business Empire. The acquisitors have taken the
reigns of power in both business and government and, motivated by unbrided and unchecked greed, are taking increasingly
aggressive action to consolidate their power. As a result, members of the
other three classes - both in the US and abroad - are being pushed
increasingly into the laborer class, simply trying
to make a living in the acquisitor dominated world.
(for defintions of these terms, please see Part I)
The American Global
Business Empire
Using Rome
and Britain as examples of previous empires, Batra
has identified four traits of imperial rule, three of which he claims apply
to the US:
1) Empires are created through
military force
2) The ruling nation can and does
extract cheap labor from it colonies
3) The empire's colonies run trade
surpluses that raise the living standards of the rulers
4) The language, culture and
institutions of the victor spreads across the imperial territories
Batra believes that only the last three apply
to the US. He excludes the first, claiming that the US does not
seek to colonize other nations militarily. This is something Chalmers
Johnson, in his excellent book Nemeis, the Last Days of the American Republic,
disagrees with completely, and in fact makes an excellent case for. I'll have
a review of Nemesis in the
coming weeks. (Sign up to be notified when
it is up).
America's cheap colonial labor
comes from two sources: First, immigrant labor -
both legal and illegal - which expands the US labor
pool, and keeps a lid on domestic wages. Illegal immigration offers
tremendous benefits to big business at the expense of the laboring
class. Since today's government works for business and not for the people, we
hear tough talk about illegal immigration
from the government but see very
little action to control it.
The second source of America's cheap colonial labor
comes from multinational corporations that employ and subcontract hundreds of
thousands of workers around the globe at local wages which are a fraction of
what they would be in the US.
Products produced by this cheap labor are then
imported to the US,
further depressing domestic wages while generating exorbitant profits for the
multinationals and exceptionally high incomes for their executives. Look
again at the case of Circuit City: You would be hard pressed to find anything in
the store made in the US,
and yet the company made a profit of $162 million last year. However, when profits
do falter, it is not the managers who take responsibility by lowering their
own salaries; instead they squeeze the laborers
further by cutting their wages. While such moves are routinely justified
because they "benefit consumers," at some point they become more
harmful to the overall economy than helpful.
Like Britain
and Rome before it, the US receives
nearly free goods from its colonial empire. Rome
and Britain did it through
taxation and forced "tributes," while the US does it
more cleverly by controlling and printing the world's senior fiat currency. This
allows the US
-- unlike any other nation -- to run persistent trade deficits (import
surpluses) without suffering currency depreciations or raising interest
rates. As Bernanke has reminded us, we have a
technology called a printing press, and we put it to very good use. America's colony nations such as China, Japan
and Taiwan pay huge
"tributes" to the US
in the form of massive treasury bond purchases. These tributes ensure market
access to the Imperial center for the colony's
manufactured goods, while also helping to stabilize the empire's fiat
currency.
Finally, US culture,
values, food, entertainment -- but most importantly business ideologies --
have infiltrated the world. This is clear enough from the surface. It is hard
not to notice that the western suit and tie have become the de facto standard
uniform for conducting business everywhere from Shanghai to Mumbai. But the realities run
deeper. The business world is dominated by ideas hatched from the minds of
economists and professors at elite American business schools, then sanctioned
by official US
government policy. The policies can be summed up in a single word: "tricklism."
Tricklism gained its foothold in the US in the
early 1980's thanks to Reagan's budget director David Stockman, who was just recently indicted for fraud. Tricklism, Batra explains, is the notion "whereby prosperity is
supposed to seep, drop by drop, from the top to the bottom." Thanks to
Stockman, tricklism is now practiced worldwide by
nations both rich and poor, and is portrayed as the quickest means to economic
success. But the real objective of tricklism, Batra contends, is to keep wages as low as possible while
maximizing CEO incomes.
Unfortunately, tricklism
results in full time salaries of only $16,000 per year -- as the Circuit City example shows -- for workers at
even highly profitable companies. This causes consumer demand to fall short
of supply, for how much can a worker on a $16,000 salary afford to consume? The
only way s/he can is by going into debt. This is where the acquisitors really get busy -- offering the kind of help
that people should run from rather than take. The same class of intellectual acquisitors that came up with tricklism
are only more than happy to provide a solution the
problem of depressed demand that they created. That solution is called
consumer credit, and it further enriches the acquisitor
class while slowly bleeding the life from the laborer
class, one interest payment at a time. Because this ideology dominates not
only American business, but international business as well, global poverty
has skyrocketed over the past 25 years along with tricklism.
In spite of the dazzlingly and
overwhelmingly positive mainstream media (MSM) spin, that as Mish puts it, creates the
"myth ... that jobs are plentiful, the economy is geared for growth, and
capital spending will pick up where real estate left off," the facts
tell a different and rather grim story. Poverty is not only a third world
phenomenon. Because of decisions by people like Philip Schoonover, poverty is
afflicting more and more people in the industrialized nations in Europe, Asia
and of course here in the US.
The 2.4 million families that will face foreclosure due to the policies of tricklism only further emphasize this point.
The Twin Bubbles of Oil
and Housing
While the recent Circuit City
story gives a clear example of the handiwork of the acquisitor
class, in his book Batra cites the twin bubbles of
oil and housing as evidence of tricklism. In the
1970's oil prices skyrocketed due to the collusion of OPEC. Today, he
asserts, they have skyrocketed due to supply restrictions by the "five
bullies" -- the five oil companies which he says control 60% of global
refinery output: Exxon-Mobil, Chevron-Texaco, BP-Amoco-Arco, Royal
Dutch-Shell, and Conoco-Phillips,. Just one look at the names of the five
bullies should tell you most of what you need to know. Each of these mammoth
corporations was formed by the merger of already powerful, highly profitable
companies. This, combined with 2,600 mergers in the oil industry since the
early 90's, has led to a concentrated industry that colludes to keep supplies
tight and prices high.
Meanwhile, the
pro-oil/pro-business national administration has allowed the consolidations
to take place, with the Justice Department declining to enforce anti-trust
laws. Friends in the big-business-controlled MSM put the blame for high oil
and gas prices on OPEC, China's
growth, conflict in the middle east, peak oil, etc
-- anywhere but on the lack of refining capacity that the exorbitantly
profitable five bullies refuse to build. High oil prices mean a silent
transfer of wealth from all of us to the few of them. In 2006, the combined
profits of the "five bullies" came to $120 billion.
Company (Symbol)
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2006 Profits
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Exxon-Mobil (XOM)
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$40,000,000,000
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Chevron-Texaco (CVX)
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$17,000,000,000
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BP-Amoco-Arco(BP)
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$22,000,000,000
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Royal Dutch-Shell (RDS'A)
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$25,000,000,000
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Conoco-Phillips (COP)
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$16,000,000,000
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Total
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$120,000,000,000
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Note: Figures rounded to
nearest billion; source: Marketwatch
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This is the essence of tricklism in action: A little bit from you, and a little
bit from me, and a little bit from 300 million other Americans every week at
the gas pump adds up to $120 billion dollars in the hands of five
corporations. Take some time to think about this the next time you're filling
up your tank.
The second bubble Batra cites is the housing bubble, which was artificially
created by the acquisitors at the Federal Reserve. Like
the oil bubble, the housing bubble is another wealth transfer scheme -- a
little bit at a time -- from the pockets of the many into the bank accounts
of the few. As wages stagnated, housing prices rose, leading owners to use
their home value appreciation as to make up for their stagnating wages. They
just borrowed the difference, allowing bankers to pocket lucrative fees and
capture a recurring income stream in the form of future interest payments. New Century Financial made $416
million dollars in 2005 on a rising market, and now it's all but bankrupt.
As Batra
sees it, the artificially created twin bubbles allow the elite acquisitors to surreptitiously transfer wealth from the
masses to their own pockets via various, mostly invisible schemes. As a
result, the acquisitors now have just about
everything locked up, and have managed to hypnotize the majority of the
people into thinking that the current system is just, good and the way things
should be. Through their near total control of cultural institutions and the
MSM, the message of supermaterialism is emphasized
and magnified. The benefits of wealth are flaunted while the tragedies of
poverty -- as well as its true causes -- are hidden and ignored. To this I
say, thank God for the internet!
Just because the acquisitors have things locked up at the moment does not
mean that their reign will last forever. No class can retain its grip on
power forever. All bubbles pop, including artificially induced supply-side
bubbles like the oil bubble. The housing bubble is already running its course
- see New Century. As a result of the popping, things will continue to get
worse before they get better. However, the point Batra
makes is that things "out there" will not change until we as
individuals make personal decisions that things must change, and then take
decisive action to overthrow the current reign of money-rule. When angry
individuals coalesce into a mass movement that cannot be ignored, real
changes can take place quickly and society can be reorganized. This is called
a revolution.
But it will likely take more pain
for a critical mass of people to reach that conclusion. For now, most people
still think there is a chance to "get ahead," not realizing the
game is rigged against them (starting with the Federal Reserve itself). Official
government corruption -- which Batra defines as the
government enacting policies that enrich the powerful while impoverishing the
poor and middle class -- will have to get worse before the people come to see
things for what they truly are. Batra cites Katrina as one
example of the extreme disconnect between powerful government legislators and
the people they rule over: "The legislators, spoiled by copious
corporate money and junkets, wallowing in luxury, couldn't imagine that the
poor had no cars [with which to escape New
Orleans]."
But unless we decide collectively
to change now, we will have to endure more Katrinas,
more Circuit City-type events, and millions more foreclosures before people
take action to change. It is one thing to read about such things online. It
is another to hear about them directly from friends or relatives who are
victims. But it takes on an entirely different meaning when you fall victim
to such malfeasance yourself. It is only once affected personally that the
long fuse of a patient people burns down and they are ready to take direct,
explosive action, as our Founding Fathers did 231 years ago. A people can
only be pushed so far. The seeds of destruction of the current system are
being sown with the daily injustices of tricklism.
But a depression, Batra contends, in not necessary for change:
With growing poverty and a
vanishing middle class, overwhelming CEO greed and ruthlessness, mounting
official corruption and incompetence and above all the demoralizing war in Iraq, voters
could become furious enough to bring an end to the rule of money in society. Thus
a depression need not be a precondition to the coming revolution. Economic
and political reforms can come about without such a catastrophe.
It is important
to note that in the 1970's, Batra wrote a book
called The Downfall of
Capitalism and Communism. One down, one
to go. In this current book, he concludes:
All of the symptoms that I
expected to see before the start of an anti-acquisitive rebellion are now
here. I anticipated many social and economic cancers, such as abysmal wages,
growing poverty, rising homelessness, educational decline, family breakdown
and loose morals. They are all here, so revolution cannot be very far away.
But revolution he
contends, need not be violent nor bloody:
In a democracy, power and
responsibility ultimately rest with the people...Don't think of yourself as a
Republican or Democrat; think of yourself as a victim of the misrule of acquisitors, because whatever you dislike today in
society stems from the excessive greed and materialism of the acquisitive
class.
The book is
excellent and provocative, one that I feel I have not done proper justice to
with this review. So much material in the book I have left untouched, as Batra covers a lot of ground. I do not agree with all of
his assertions nor all of his conclusions, but I do
appreciate his unique and unconventional perspective which helped me to
stretch my understanding and see the world from a new and different angle. If
the ideas covered here are interesting to you, you will certainly find much
more of interest that I have not covered here.
By :
Michael Nystrom
Bull not Bull
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